Agevolazioni per la frequenza al DASE 2024/2025

Al fine di favorire la partecipazione al corso Diploma e Master universitario in Alti Studi Europei (DASE) da parte di candidati meritevoli dal punto di vista del reddito e del merito, per l’anno accademico 2024/2025 la Fondazione Collegio Europeo di Parma mette a disposizione l’opportunità di candidarsi per agevolazioni consistenti in riduzioni della quota di iscrizione al corso.

 

Si rendono disponibili le seguenti agevolazioni:

 

  • N° 10 agevolazioni per un valore di Euro 2.000, per merito e reddito, indirizzate a candidati cittadini dell’Unione Europea, con reddito (ISEE o equivalente) inferiore ad Euro 27.000;

 

  • N° 10 agevolazioni per un valore di Euro 2.500, per merito e reddito, indirizzate a candidati cittadini dei Paesi Candidati all’adesione all’Unione Europea, con reddito inferiore ad Euro 35.000;

 

  • N° 5 agevolazioni per un valore di Euro 2.500, per merito e reddito, indirizzate a candidati cittadini di Paesi al di fuori dell’Unione Europea, con reddito inferiore ad Euro 35.000.

 

Scarica il BANDO per tutti i dettagli, le condizioni e le modalità per candidarti.

Hai tempo sino al 2 agosto 2024 (prima scadenza) o sino al 2 settembre 2024 (seconda scadenza).

Candidati subito, le agevolazioni saranno assegnate sino all’esaurimento dei fondi disponibili!

AVVISO: Si informa che il termine per la presentazione delle candidature per le agevolazioni di cui sopra viene prorogato al 20 settembre 2024.

European elections and the appointment of the President of the Commission

Alfredo De Feo, Scientific Director of the european college of Parma foundation

 

One of the central issues of the upcoming European elections is the appointment of the next President of the Commission. The candidate proposed by the European Council, taking into account the results of the elections, should be appointed by the European Parliament.

Since 2014, to reinforce the link between candidates and elections, the European parties have been appointing their candidates for the Presidency of the Commission (lead candidates). The candidates have then presented their vision of Europe and their responses to transnational challenges.

These debates are certainly interesting, as they force the candidates to present their ideas and their recipes, but they still have a great limitation: they do not attract the attention of public opinion in the various countries. Firstly, there is a language barrier, which is difficult to overcome, and secondly, the leaders of national parties have little motivation, especially when they are candidates, to put forward the candidate of the European party to which they are affiliated.

The European Parliament had put forward a proposal, supported by the most federalist circles, to create a single transnational constituency where each European party would present a single list with its own single candidate. In this way, the leading candidate of the party with the most votes would have a popular investiture, a kind of European premiership.

In reality, there is another limitation, the absence of a single electoral system, each country organizes its elections internally as it sees fit. In addition, proportional voting certainly makes the European Parliament representative of national public opinion, and this is a good thing, but not necessarily suitable for electing the best candidate for President of the Commission, whose main quality should be his/her capacity of mediator between the ‘Senate’ (national governments) and the lower house (the European Parliament).

The future President of the Commission must, however, have the ability to coalesce a parliamentary majority, probably making concessions to the right and the left, only in this way he/she will be able to have a majority in the European Parliament, a majority that could lose during the term of office, in case the motion of censure is activated, as it happened, in 1999 with the Santer Commission.

The best example of the Commission President’s ability to compromise came in 2019. Ursula von der Leyen was not among the Leader candidates expressed by the European parties, but none of them had the necessary parliamentary majority to be elected. The European Council nominated Ms von der Leyen, who was confirmed by only nine votes. After that, she negotiated her government programme with the parliamentary groups after the elections, obtaining a solid parliamentary majority.

To conclude, as it is often the case in Europe, the ideal solution is not achievable and remains a goal, but there is (almost) always a sub-optimal solution that advances the democratic process and European integration.

In previous years, the President of the Commission was formally appointed by the European Council. In practice, the appointment took place in a private room of the Council, or more often in a small room in some hotel between two or maximum three Heads of State, you can guess the names! The Treaty of Lisbon put an end to this practice and the European Parliament, with the majority that will emerge from the ballot box, has a decisive role. The citizens’ vote will have an important influence on the future of Europe.

EU Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy with a focus on the Western Balkan countries

Dejan Kralov, ex alunno DASE

The topic of the European Union enlargement is one of the most relevant and significant issues facing the Union, particularly in times of war and destabilization in Europe mainly caused by the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The EU’s enlargement and neighborhood policy play a crucial role in shaping the future stability, prosperity, security and progress of both the European Union and the entire European continent. By expanding the zone of peace and development, the European Union extends its presence and influence, striving to become the most influential global power. However, the thesis elaborates how the requirement for unanimous decisions within the EU poses one of the main obstacles for achieving the above-mentioned future challenges. Additionally, the thesis advocates for introduction of clear reasons due to which a certain EU candidate country can be vetoed in order to establish a more democratic, effective and efficient membership process without blackmails, within a strengthened and united EU accessible equally to all European countries. It is a fact that we have witnessed quite unprincipled blockades without competent, democratic and legitimate reasons for veto by compromising the Copenhagen criteria and EU treaties, while interfering in the candidate countries’ sovereignty, which is uncharacteristic for the European Union. Moreover, the thesis focuses on the Copenhagen criteria, essential benchmarks that must be met by candidate countries to progress in the accession process. They indicate if the candidate countries are politically, economically, and legally prepared in the accession process, while emphasizing that bilateral issues must not be a reason for veto according to EU treaties. However, this is not the case in reality, where such bilateral issues often take precedence. Such inappropriate vetoes, as the current Bulgarian veto of Macedonia and Greek veto of Albania, as well as the previous Greek veto of Macedonia marked by blackmails and a misuse of stronger and more assertive position as EU member states, while compromising the principles of the European Union and its treaties.

The thesis focuses on the history of every Western Balkan candidate country’s path to EU accession. It highlights all main disputes, agreements and statements, while providing potential solutions for resolving the actual disputes. Supported by facts and arguments, Macedonia’s path to EU accession represents the most difficult, undemocratic and unique accession process that must not happen to any EU candidate country. At the same time, the EU accession process of Macedonia is an example of how the accession to the European Union should not look like. With such types of vetoes like the Greek and Bulgarian ones towards Macedonia, the European Union is violating its values without which it cannot survive as a community. The Greek veto, which pertained to the non-recognition of the Macedonian national and constitutional flag and also the name “Republic of Macedonia”, contradicted the conclusion provided by the European Union Arbitration Commission, that the name “Macedonia” does not represent any territorial threat for Greece. At the same time, Greece also violated international law by not respecting the “Interim Agreement” signed between these two countries. In addition, Greece does not respect the judgment of the International Court of Justice related to this case, where 15 votes were in favour of Macedonia and only one vote from the Greek judge in favour of Greece. Furthermore, Greece acted contrary to the stances of all European institutions, all the positive reports provided by the European Commission and against the resolution from the European Parliament in 2010, which emphasized that the Copenhagen criteria were fully satisfied by Macedonia for the start of accession negotiations. Despite the EU’s promise to Macedonia that this would be the final obstacle before EU membership, the current Bulgarian veto has proven otherwise. This veto was imposed in pretty much the same way by compromising the Copenhagen criteria, EU treaties, regulations and obviously blackmailing Macedonia once again only for self-interests and benefits because of the better assertive position as an EU member state, not thinking about the common interest, stability and future prosperity of the European Union. Additionally, such actions violate the fundamental European values and this interference in the candidate country’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and citizens’ nationality is contrary to international law and EU Treaties.

If the EU intends to complete the ongoing process of joining the European Convention on Human Rights and recognise the jurisdiction of Strasbourg, then should decide whether Macedonia is the guilty party and should really be vetoed due to unsubstantiated and alleged claims about disrespect for human rights, although there are no such judgments and it is an example of a multi-ethnic state where all the rights of minorities are fully protected, or Bulgaria may be the true party at fault, using the veto as a cover-up for its own actions or responsibilities. The fact that Bulgaria has 14 judgments from the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg related to the non-recognition and violation of the human rights of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, that have not yet been implemented is the strongest proof of this case. However, we need to delve deeper into this process to find out the real reasons behind this veto. According to the number of judgements from the Court of Human Rights for these two countries, one thing becomes evident, the Bulgarian demand for the inclusion of the Bulgarian minority (less than 1% of the total population in Macedonia) in the Macedonian constitution serves as a mask behind which the real underlying demands lie. Behind this condition lie numerous others, primarily concerning historical issues, as articulated by several prominent Bulgarian politicians, including the current President Rumen Radev and Bulgarian MEP Angel Dzambaski, who have even expressed territorial pretentions towards Macedonia. The political pressure should be directed towards Sofia instead of unilaterally towards Skopje, mainly due to the facts that Bulgaria has faced criticism from the European Court of Human Rights, the Council of Europe and the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination for its failure to implement the judgements concerning the human rights of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. The need for strict involvement in this process by the EU is necessary, otherwise the union itself will break its own values because after all Bulgaria is part of the EU. Nevertheless, while Macedonia has been better prepared for the start of accession negotiations in specific previous years, these were the primary reasons driving the accession process and bilateral disputes together with many blackmails took precedence.

I have presented four potential solutions for resolving the current dispute between Bulgaria and Macedonia. The first solution implies signing of a resolution that will contain the inclusion of the Bulgarian minority in the Macedonian constitution, as well as the implementation of the judgments from the Court of Human Rights which will follow immediately after the ratification of the Accession Treaty, following the example of the resolution between Croatia and Slovenia related to their territorial dispute. The second potential solution is a provision of written guarantees by the EU that will not follow additional future demands from Bulgaria. The third solution, includes extreme measures such as suspending European grants to Bulgaria, which are vital for its functioning. My last but not least solution aims to prevent the exploitation of the EU by Bulgaria in future and to protect the security, dignity and democratic principles of the EU, which means acting with four-fifths of EU members, to suspend and relativise the decision-making rights of Bulgaria as seen in procedures initiated for Hungary and Poland, deciding that by violating the fundamental values, Bulgaria creates risks in EU foreign policy, because after all the right of veto is not an absolute right.

In order the process of EU enlargement be successful, the political doublespeak must stop, either in the EU and Western Balkan countries. The EU must stop its doublespeak for so many years that is open for enlargement and war had to happen to understand how important the enlargement is for the EU’s future. The EU enlargement and neighborhood policy must become a priority again because only with a completed and unified EU could become the most powerful global factor. On the other side, Western Balkan countries must stop with doublespeak about their readiness for the needed reforms because we are witnessing numerous low evaluations in the European Commission reports, and their challenges remain the same for so many years such as the rule of law, fight against crime and corruption, as well as independent judiciary. If the EU wants to achieve future security, stability and prosperity as well as complete removal of Russian influence and presence in these areas that significantly contribute to destabilisation, a sincere and concrete offer specifying a precise date for accession to the EU need to be offered alongside clearly defined democratic conditions for enlargement. Additionally, gradually inclusion of the Western Balkan countries into the European single market and Schengen zone before their full membership, giving them an equal opportunity to progress as all the EU member states.

Le competenze europee in Italia

Lunedì 15 aprile 2024, con inizio alle ore 15:00, si terrà, presso l’Aula dei Filosofi del Palazzo Centrale dell’Università di Parma, il seminario dal titolo Le competenze europee in Italia.

Il seminario, organizzato nel quadro delle iniziative del CDE – Centro di Documentazione Europea che ha sede presso la Fondazione Collegio Europeo di Parma, vedrà la partecipazione di esperti e “addetti ai lavori” e mira a far comprendere come le competenze europee abbiano un’importante valenza anche in Italia, essendo numerose le attività, sia nel settore pubblico che nel privato, in cui queste “skills” rivestono un ruolo fondamentale.

Il Collegio Europeo si rinnova

Cesare Azzali, Presidente della Fondazione Collegio Europeo

Il Collegio Europeo di Parma, nato alla fine degli anni ’80, opera nella formazione di studenti, funzionari e dirigenti del settore pubblico e privato, nel campo delle tematiche europee, ha conquistato una sua dimensione specifica, riconosciuta in Italia ed in Europa, che si contraddistingue per una formazione al contempo teorica e pratica, grazie al contributo di docenti provenienti sia dal mondo accademico che dal mondo professionale. Questo ha permesso a centinaia di giovani, formatisi presso il Collegio sulle tematiche europee, di trovare sbocchi professionali sia nei propri Paesi di provenienza che a livello europeo, nel settore pubblico come nel settore privato.

Nel corso degli ultimi quattro decenni, l’Europa è cambiata, sia nella dimensione geografica che nelle competenze delle varie Istituzioni e del rapporto tra Stati e l’Unione Europea.
Il Collegio Europeo di Parma si è costantemente adeguato ai cambiamenti, apportando continui aggiornamenti alle tematiche trattate.

In vista dell’anno accademico 2024-2025, ho quindi il piacere di presentare il nuovo sito web del Collegio Europeo. Non si è trattato soltanto di un cambiamento estetico, ma il sito è stato adattato alle nuove tecnologie, così da rispondere al meglio ai bisogni dei nostri visitatori, generalmente giovani e “nativi digitali”.

Sono particolarmente lieto di presentare, due novità, segno di questo rinnovamento. La prima un programma rinnovato, che mette gli studenti al centro della formazione, lasciando ad ognuno uno spazio di approfondimento secondo i loro interessi. Infatti, dopo aver seguito una serie di corsi fondamentali gli studenti potranno scegliere tre opzioni, una economica e azioni esterne, una legata alle politiche europee, ed infine un’opzione multidisciplinare.

Il Collegio continuerà a distinguersi per il suo insegnamento, accademico pratico, sicuramente impegnativo ma con la convinzione di offrire ai propri studenti, non solo un Diploma di Master, ma delle conoscenze approfondite nelle tematiche europee.

La seconda delle novità, che mi fa piacere presentare è l’apertura di una sezione del sito dedicata ad articoli e pubblicazioni. Questa sezione è destinata ad accogliere, brevi articoli o testi più lunghi, per raccogliere i contributi di docenti, studenti ed ex-allievi.

Pensiamo che la possibilità di pubblicare lavori svolti dagli studenti possa costituire uno stimolo per dare maggiore visibilità al loro impegno.

Un Comitato scientifico-editoriale selezionerà gli elaborati per la pubblicazione.
Infine, l’offerta formativa del Collegio Europeo si amplia e si diversifica, sempre nella filosofia di diffondere competenze europee.

Accanto al master in Studi Europei, il Collegio Europeo ha, negli anni, sviluppato un filone specifico legato alla formazione specialistica, sia in presenza che online, destinata a funzionari e dirigenti della Pubblica

Amministrazione e/o al settore privato, con l’obiettivo di ampliare il bagaglio di conoscenze e competenze sul funzionamento dell’Unione europea e sulle sue politiche.

Si stanno inoltre lanciando le seguenti nuove iniziative:

  • Corsi di specializzazione in presenza ed on line su singoli aspetti delle tematiche europee e degli scenari internazionali futuri;
  • Corsi di preparazione ai test di selezione per i concorsi europei, in presenza ed online.

Tutte queste informazioni saranno disponibili sul nuovo sito, che mi auguro troverete utile e di facile navigazione.

“Le Applicazioni dell’Intelligenza Artificiale”: ne parliamo con gli esperti

La Fondazione Collegio Europeo di Parma è lieta di invitarvi al Seminario Hard Science “Le Applicazioni dell’Intelligenza Artificiale”.

Per l’occasione, specialisti del settore approfondiranno tematiche controverse e d’avanguardia, tra cui le applicazioni dell’AI nel campo della salute umana, la rivoluzione della “Generative AI”, il rapporto tra Intelligenza Artificiale e sensoristica avanzata e molto altro.

Partecipa all’evento per scoprire di più sulla nuova e misteriosa frontiera dell’Intelligenza Artificiale!

 

Quando: lunedì 25 marzo 2024, 15:00 – 17:30

Dove: Aula B – Podere La Grande, Campus dell’Università di Parma, Parco Area delle Scienze

 

Vi aspettiamo numerosi!

Candidature DASE 2024/2025

E’ aperto il periodo di candidatura per il Diploma in Alti Studi Europei (DASE) 2024/2025.

E’ possibile inviare le candidature entro il 31 maggio per concorrere per le ammissioni in formula agevolata “Early Bird”.

Scarica il modulo di candidature qui

Il Collegio europeo di Parma incontra i grandi dello sport italiano

La Fondazione Collegio Europeo di Parma è lieta di invitarvi all’incontro “Le Competenze nel mondo dello Sport Europeo”.

All’evento, prenderanno parte il Campione del Mondo, Fabio Cannavaro, insieme ai “Mister” Carlo Ancelotti (in diretta video) e Fabio Pecchia, ed il Direttore Sportivo, Mauro Pederzoli, con i quali il pubblico avrà la possibilità di interagire e dibattere.

Per l’occasione, saranno affrontate le principali tematiche relative al rapporto tra Sport e Unione Europea, tra cui il diritto allo sport, la contrattazione sportiva a livello internazionale, la gestione dei campioni e la tutela degli atleti.

Quando: Giovedì 29 febbraio 2024, 15:00 – 17:30

Dove: Unione Parmense degli Industriali, Strada al Ponte Caprazucca 6/A, Parma (43121)

La partecipazione all’incontro è gratuita, ma è necessaria la registrazione, inviando una mail a: eventi@collegioeuropeo.it

L’evento è realizzato in collaborazione con la Commissione Europea, l’Università degli Studi di Parma, Sports Law and Policy Centre (SLPC), la Rivista di Diritto ed Economia dello Sport (RDES) e l’Associazione Italiana Avvocati dello Sport.

Vi aspettiamo numerosi!

Il 27 febbraio Francesco Saraceno presenta il suo nuovo libro

La Fondazione Collegio Europeo di Parma è lieta di annunciare la presentazione del nuovo libro di Francesco Saraceno, Oltre le Banche Centrali. Inflazione, Disuguaglianza e Politiche Economiche.

Francesco Saraceno è Vicedirettore dell’”Osservatorio Francese di Congiunture Economiche” (OFCE) e Professore presso l’Università Sciences Po di Parigi e l’Università LUISS, dove è anche membro del Comitato Scientifico della “LUISS School of European Political Economy” (SEP).

Durante la conferenza si cercheranno di analizzare le attuali dinamiche economiche ed i possibili futuri scenari, per giungere ad una crescita più equa e sostenibile.

Registrati inviando una mail a info@collegioeuropeo.it, per partecipare all’evento e rimanere aggiornato sui nuovi “trend economici”.

Quando: martedì 27/02/2024, ore 17:00

Dove: Palazzo Soragna, Strada al Ponte Caprazucca, 6/a – 43121 Parma

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